"Evaluating the Changing Definition of a Policy Issue in Congress: Crime Against the
Elderly,"in Harrell Rodgers (ed.) Public Policy and Social Institutions. New York: JAI
Press, 1984, 287-332.
There is a growing body of research in political science and in mass communications on agenda-setting–
that is, on the question of how social conditions come to be defined as social problems and political issues.
Much political science research examines how particular problems, in the form of specific legislative
proposals, are placed on the formal political agenda and then are processed further into the legislative
arena. Mss communication research examines how the mass media influence the salience of issues on the
public and the governmental policy agendas. Less attention has been paid to how social conditions are
perceived and framed as social problems in the first place. This chapter suggests that the framing of political
issues is not a cut-and-dried process. Events in the world do not clearly fall into slots with a problem label,
and problems do not always have clear policy implications. Rather, complex and ill-understood conditions
can be defined as a problem in various ways and emerge as a political issues taking on any of a variety of
formulations. As it then competes for a place on the policy agenda, this issue can form and re-form itself yet
further, reflecting the fact that it was not solely molded by a clear mandate concerning the nature of the
problem.
Elderly,"in Harrell Rodgers (ed.) Public Policy and Social Institutions. New York: JAI
Press, 1984, 287-332.
There is a growing body of research in political science and in mass communications on agenda-setting–
that is, on the question of how social conditions come to be defined as social problems and political issues.
Much political science research examines how particular problems, in the form of specific legislative
proposals, are placed on the formal political agenda and then are processed further into the legislative
arena. Mss communication research examines how the mass media influence the salience of issues on the
public and the governmental policy agendas. Less attention has been paid to how social conditions are
perceived and framed as social problems in the first place. This chapter suggests that the framing of political
issues is not a cut-and-dried process. Events in the world do not clearly fall into slots with a problem label,
and problems do not always have clear policy implications. Rather, complex and ill-understood conditions
can be defined as a problem in various ways and emerge as a political issues taking on any of a variety of
formulations. As it then competes for a place on the policy agenda, this issue can form and re-form itself yet
further, reflecting the fact that it was not solely molded by a clear mandate concerning the nature of the
problem.
Testimony before joint hearings of the House Committee on Science and the House
Select Committee on Aging, on "Fear of Crime Among the Elderly." Washington, DC,
February 1, 1978.
An examination of existing evidence regarding the fear of crime in America seems to indicate clearly that the
elderly bear the heaviest psychological costs of crime. Today, I would first like to review briefly what we know
about the magnitude of the problem. This will entail a comparison of levels of fear among the elderly and
other age groups, an analysis of what special kinds of crime appear to be most feared by aged Americans,
and an examination of high-fear subgroups within the oldest segment of the population. I would then like to
address the question of why the elderly seem to be so fearful of crime. While the issue is complex, I think a
simple summary answer can be found: the aged fear crime because they have fewer resources for coping
with victimization and its consequences. Finally, I will address briefly the question of what is to be done. The
evidence on "what works" is skimpy, and I can report reliably only on what is being done rather than the
effectiveness of those programs. However, even that information may be suggestive, for it indicates that
much currently is not being done to help the elderly cope with victimization and its aftermath.
Select Committee on Aging, on "Fear of Crime Among the Elderly." Washington, DC,
February 1, 1978.
An examination of existing evidence regarding the fear of crime in America seems to indicate clearly that the
elderly bear the heaviest psychological costs of crime. Today, I would first like to review briefly what we know
about the magnitude of the problem. This will entail a comparison of levels of fear among the elderly and
other age groups, an analysis of what special kinds of crime appear to be most feared by aged Americans,
and an examination of high-fear subgroups within the oldest segment of the population. I would then like to
address the question of why the elderly seem to be so fearful of crime. While the issue is complex, I think a
simple summary answer can be found: the aged fear crime because they have fewer resources for coping
with victimization and its consequences. Finally, I will address briefly the question of what is to be done. The
evidence on "what works" is skimpy, and I can report reliably only on what is being done rather than the
effectiveness of those programs. However, even that information may be suggestive, for it indicates that
much currently is not being done to help the elderly cope with victimization and its aftermath.
Crime and the Elderly Abstracts
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